Should Women Be Entitled To Menstrual Leaves?
Menstrual leave is not a nascent concept. The discourse surrounding it spans over a hundred years, with nations like Indonesia and the former USSR advocating the leave for female members of their workforce. It makes for a curious case, then, that the debate did not garner popular attention in India until very recently. The revamped interest in the dialogue has been attributed to the initiatives of politicians, organizations and media outlets, and has opened up channels for discussion on various platforms. I contend that menstrual leave is an expendable concept and the following article asserts the same.
Though there is very little data to establish whether menstrual
leave helps women or not, an evaluation of the facts and circumstances so far
can be useful in developing a perspective. The biggest question that women’s
entitlement to menstrual leaves has posed to policy makers across the world is
whether it is an economic welfare issue or a labor issue. And though the course
of action is bound to deviate on either fronts, I assert that menstrual leave
is a woeful concept on both grounds.
If one were to consider menstrual leave from an economic
welfare perspective, one would safely assume that the most conducive
infrastructure, for the concept to function in, would be a socialist welfare state.
It is thus self-serving to my argument that menstrual leave came out as a
redundant concept in the same socialist state that promoted it over a hundred years
ago, back in the 1920s. In former USSR, the concept was not just introduced on
the demands of women groups but subsequently revoked on the demands of women
groups as well. Such a discourse is not surprising because even without
capitalist motivations, menstrual leave is a proposal that does not fit in with
principal labor structures. Soviet women who availed these leaves were deemed
to be less productive in output contribution. They were not only held back on
promotions but were also subject to employers’ reluctance in hiring them.
One might argue that this may just be a reflection of a
conservative society and not a flaw inherent in the concept of menstrual
leaves. In that case, I make it a point that most of the scientifically
advanced, liberal and capitalist democracies of the world have not accepted the
concept at large as well. Nations like the United Kingdom and the United
States, with 58 percent and 56 percent female workforce participation
respectively, have refused to legislate on the matter at all. This approach is
not faulty either, because the concept of menstrual leave does not hold a place
in free capitalist economies. An evaluation of its efficacy in the nations that
have adopted it provides reasonable grounds to back the assertion.
Japan, for instance, has provided for menstrual leave to
female employees since 1947. Ironically, the percentage of female employees who
availed these leaves went from 26% in 1965 to 0.9% in 2017. In South Korea, the
usage dropped from 23.6% in 2013 to 19.7% in 2017. This is because women, who
already face gender pay gaps in the Oceania, are now considered even more
expensive by employers in comparison to their male counterparts. This leads
them to cut back on their leaves in order to present themselves as worthy
factors.
The situation is the same in Italy which is soon to come up
with legal provisions for menstrual leave. Participation of female workforce in
Italy is among the lowest in the European Union at 61% and the consequences of
a menstrual leave legislation are foreseeable. According to Economist Daniela
Piazzaley of the Research Institute, FBK IRVAR, “The proposed menstrual leave
will lead to a decrease in demand for female employees and lead to women being
penalized in terms of salary and career advancements.”
This is not unreasonable to believe when one considers the implications
of maternity leave in the country. Around 25% of female employees are fired
either during or after their pregnancy in Italy, despite legal restrictions on
the practice. Provision of menstrual leave will not create deviant consequences
either.
Another perspective would be to look at menstrual leave as a
labor issue. That it is a retrograde concept, even then, can be asserted
through Andrea Ichino and Enrico Moretti’s study on absenteeism and earning gaps
which, having been published in the American Economic Journal, highlights that
absence of women below the age of 45, from the workplace, follows a 28 day
cycle while those of above the age of 45 does not. They conclude that this
absenteeism is responsible for at least 14% of gender earning differential.
It is important to note that this differential arises out of
absenteeism and not productivity or lack thereof. Thus, even if menstrual leave
does not impact productivity, it is no ground to believe that it does not
impact women negatively in missing out on workdays. Forcing employers rather
than women to bear the monetary burden associated with menstruation is
counterproductive to the employment of women because it shifts the wage subsidy
from women to men, hence resulting in higher wage gaps and making women
costlier employees.
Hence, while unpaid menstrual leaves defy the purpose behind
them, as in the case of Japan, paid menstrual leaves make women costlier
factors in comparison to their male counterparts. No employer can be blamed for
choosing men over women as more economic alternatives then. The key here, is
that, most employers cannot directly observe individual productivity. They thus
use observable characteristics, including absenteeism, to predict productivity
and set wages. This has been manifested in the maternity leave paradox and
poses ground for menstrual leave as well. In a world where women are battling for
workforce representation and pay parity, menstrual leave is the way down the
hill.
But the most important question remains. Why do we need
menstrual leave in the first place? Femaleness is not illness. That a small
percentage of women suffer from conditions like endometriosis or dysmenorrhea, is
no ground for a structural change that only does more harm to women than good.
Leave for such conditions may as well be availed under the provisions for sick
leave under acts such as the Apprentice Act, Plantation Labor Act, Sales
Promotion Employees Act and the Journalists Act among others.
The argument that women need more leaves besides other paid
leaves is not well founded on. Women don’t need to be kept at home because it
neither alleviates the discomfort nor does it ensure inclusivity. We need
inclusive workspaces. We need policies to make sanitary goods like menstrual
pads and tampons free at workspaces, we need disposal facilities like incinerators
in public restrooms, we need a comforting environment in addition to the four
thousand other things that are the need of the hour. Menstrual leave, however,
is not one of them. It is not the solution. It is the way down the hill.
The article has been penned by Aditi Parihar. She is a first year student at the Faculty of Law, Banaras Hindu University.
Splendid work, kudos! Keep writing more👍
ReplyDeleteThe way author has weaved her narrative across the socialist/welfare and capitalist/labour spectrum is thought provoking. It touches the very epicentre of the issue. Enjoyed reading!!!
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